POLICE RAIDS IN THEORY AND PRACTICE – RELICT OF OLD SCHOOL CRIMINALISTICS OR JUST A DEMONSTRATION OF FORCE

Summary: The paper first discusses the normative regulation of the raid, as a type of restriction of movement in a certain area, which is carried out by the police, and then this action is viewed as a criminalistic institute and its evolution is followed through scientific interest in the mentioned phenomenon. Frequent application of raids in domestic police practice could, at first glance, give it the epithet of a useful tool in the fight against crime. The author tried to examine this thesis through empirical research of raids in catering facilities on the territory of Serbia, conducted during 2017 and 2019, in which the sample consisted of a total of 738 respondents, 442 citizens and 296 members of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia. Parameters related to the preparation, objectives, implementation, outcomes and analysis of the conducted raids were analyzed by descriptive statistics, correlation method and interview, as well as the subjective feeling of respondents regarding the frequency and justification of implementing such a measure. The obtained data were interpreted in the discussion through the prism of comparative practice and relevant studies on this type of police activity, within the strategies of enhanced police action (hot spot policing) and their effects on the situation of crime. In this way, author tried to popularize the issue of raids in the scientific framework and to improve the practical criminalistic and police activities, as scientific and social goals of this paper. The results of the research show that the raids are well received both among police officers and among citizens, although there is no clear evidence of their positive effects on crime prevention. In the absence of domestic ones, the author referred to the relevant foreign researches, which notice several main weaknesses of this kind of police action on criminal hotspots – short-term effects and the so-called. “spill-overs” of crime. In the end, instead of spectacular large-scale actions, among which


Summary:
The paper first discusses the normative regulation of the raid, as a type of restriction of movement in a certain area, which is carried out by the police, and then this action is viewed as a criminalistic institute and its evolution is followed through scientific interest in the mentioned phenomenon.Frequent application of raids in domestic police practice could, at first glance, give it the epithet of a useful tool in the fight against crime.The author tried to examine this thesis through empirical research of raids in catering facilities on the territory of Serbia, conducted during 2017 and 2019, in which the sample consisted of a total of 738 respondents, 442 citizens and 296 members of the Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Serbia.Parameters related to the preparation, objectives, implementation, outcomes and analysis of the conducted raids were analyzed by descriptive statistics, correlation method and interview, as well as the subjective feeling of respondents regarding the frequency and justification of implementing such a measure.The obtained data were interpreted in the discussion through the prism of comparative practice and relevant studies on this type of police activity, within the strategies of enhanced police action (hot spot policing) and their effects on the situation of crime.In this way, author tried to popularize the issue of raids in the scientific framework and to improve the practical criminalistic and police activities, as scientific and social goals of this paper.The results of the research show that the raids are well received both among police officers and among citizens, although there is no clear evidence of their positive effects on crime prevention.In the absence of domestic ones, the author referred to the relevant foreign researches, which notice several main weaknesses of this kind of police action on criminal hotspots -short-term effects and the so-called."spillovers" of crime.In the end, instead of spectacular large-scale actions, among which ------------

Introduction
As a term used in criminalistic literature, raid has been present for a long time.Although the colloquial meaning of this term is more or less known to everyone, it seems that over time its form has changed, so that the raid has evolved in a way.In the original sense, a raid is a coordinated restrictive action of a military or police force, aimed at acting on persons in a predetermined area.According to Vujaklija, this term comes from the Arabic word rgaca or rgacia, which means (1) a campaign of Mohammedans in the fight against heretics, (2) a robbery campaign, or (3) a police chase for suspicious persons.(Vujaklija 1972).
This measure usually has a negative connotation, due to its aggressive and restrictive nature and the fact that it is carried out against a larger number of people, as well as due to the fact that, in a certain way, everyone is considered a possible criminal.In our region, the fact that this type of police action was used by the occupiers during WW II adds a particularly negative tone.The most notorious among them was the raid of January 1942, when more than 4,000 people were killed by the Hungarian army in Bačka.In socialist Yugoslavia, the raid was studied in detail as a police action of a preventive and repressive nature, with significant potential in preventing and combating crime.Among the most common modalities of raids are raids in catering facilities, which were also the subject of research in this paper.
The raid is directly related to freedom of movement, i.e. it represents restrictions on this fundamental human right.The Constitution of the Republic of Serbia provides that everyone has the right to move and reside freely in the Republic of Serbia, to leave it and return to it (Constitution of the Republic of Serbia 2006, Art.39, para.1), while the next paragraph of the same article states that these freedoms may be restricted by law, if necessary for the conduct of criminal proceedings, protection of public order and peace, prevention of the spread of infectious diseases and defense of the Republic of Serbia (Constitution of the Republic of Serbia 2006, Art.39, para.2).The first two circumstances are directly related to the subject matter under research of this paper, and it would be worth pointing out the regulations which elaborate these norms in more detail.
Thus, the Criminal Procedure Code, in the part on the powers of the police in pre-trial proceedings, specifies that police may restrict freedom of movement in a certain area for up to 8 hours (Criminal Procedure Code 2011, Art.286, para.2), if there are grounds for suspicion that a criminal offense has been committed, police officers are obliged to take the necessary measures to find the perpetrator of the criminal offense, to prevent perpetrator to hide or escape, to find and provide traces of criminal offenses that may serve as evidence, as well as to collect all information that could be useful for the successful conduct of criminal proceedings (Criminal Procedure Code 2011, Art.286, para.1).
The Law on Police contains even more detailed provisions related to the restrictions on freedom of movement, conditions and manner of implementation of such measures.Thus, in the Seventh Part of this act, which refers to police powers, it is stated that a police officer may, in accordance with the law, temporarily, and for a maximum of eight hours from the decision,8 restrict a person's freedom of movement in a certain area or facility, in order to: 1) prevent the commission of criminal offenses or misdemeanors; 2) find and arrest perpetrators of criminal offenses or misdemeanors; 3) find and arrest wanted persons; 4) find traces and objects that can serve as evidence in criminal and misdemeanor proceedings (Law on Police 2016, Art.88, para.1).The decision on temporary restriction of movement in the area or facility is made by the director of the police or the head of the local police administration, or a person authorized by them (Law on Police 2016, Art.88, para.2).In addition to the general provision stipulating its duration (8 hours), it is envisaged that it cannot last longer than the time necessary to achieve the goal for which this police action is undertaken (Law on Police 2016, Art.88, para.3).
One of the doyens of criminalistic science in the former Yugoslavia, Vodinelić defined the police raid as a well-prepared, extremely fast action, which usually spreads over a larger area (complex of buildings, streets), and consists of closing all exits from a certain place in order to apprehend certain persons and categories of persons (Vodinelić 1987; 1996).Vodinelić also gives a detailed list of the categories of persons against whom this action is usually taken, recommendations for its successful preparation and implementation, as well as the tactics of implementation in vivo, and defines it as a repressive-preventive tactical measure.According to him, finding wanted gang members, criminals, vagrants, prostitutes, scalpers, persons in possession of valuables that are not in line with their personality, etc. are the primary target of such police action (Vodinelić 1987, 88-89).
Vodinelić, although elaborating on the subject matter entirely in the spirit of his time, still noticed one of the basic problems of the raid, especially when such a measure is viewed from today's perspective in terms of limiting police action and correlating such action with the protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms.According to this author, "the political significance of the raid is reflected in the fact that the number of honest people who are encompassed by the raid by far exceeds the number of criminal elements", and for that reason its implementation "requires great tact and forethought" (Vodinelić 1987, 89).This circumstance, it seems, represents the "bone in the throat" of the legitimacy of the measure itself.
The definition of the raid offered by Vodinelić left a clear trace in the later criminalistic literature.Namely, other authors wrote about similar elements, and even problems, when they mentioned the raids or restriction of movement in a certain area, although mentioning these actions under the item "other" within the segment of search actions undertaken by the police.Krivokapić elaborated on the topic of the raid, writing about its nature, but also about the preparation and tactics of implementation (Krivokapić 1996), and so did Aleksić and Škulić (2004), while the ------------authors of other criminalistic textbooks dating from the end of the past and the beginning of this century, such as Simonović ( 2004), probably seeing it as a less significant action, burdened by the mentioned deficit of legitimacy and a certain socialrealistic ballast, mentioned only its definition or chose to not even mention this police action in their textbooks at all, such as Banović, Žarković and Stupar (2005), Žarković (2009), Žarković and Ivanović (2017), etc.In the manner described above the raid has gone all the way from an elaborately examined police action, through a simple mention, to complete disappearance from the modern criminalistics literature in a relatively short period of time,.
In recent foreign literature, raids are usually viewed as part of increasing policing strategies aimed at reducing crime in a particular area.Braga and his associates state that numerous researchers suggest the existence of a significant grouping of crime in certain points (hot spots), and believe that crime can be suppressed more effectively if police attention is focused on such places (Braga, Papachristos and  Hureau 2014, 633).It is the concept of the so-called hot spot policing, i.e. police actions focusing on certain critical points or criminal hotspots. 9he use of aggressive policing techniques to combat crime hotspots carries with it a number of controversies.They mostly refer to the issue of the success of solving the problems of criminal hotspots observed over a longer period of time, as well as the relationship between the invested and obtained, not only in terms of material values, and the goal of reducing crime, but also the risks of human rights violation.Taylor and associates state that, although policing focused on criminal hotspots is accepted among theorists and practitioners, there is little evidence of the effectiveness of different hot spot strategies (Taylor, Koper and Woods 2011, 149).Braga, in the same vein, believes that research on police practice does not fully answer the important question -whether such police programs have long-term effects in areas known as criminal hotspots (Braga 2007, 19).There is also the already mentioned issue of human rights, and Rostas, speaking in the context of raids against members of national minorities, states that they are accompanied by abuses by police officers, including excessive use of force, violation of privacy, property damage and the use of firearms with fatal outcome (Rostas 2005, 26).These circumstances seem to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the use of raids as a means of combating crime and require the creators of police doctrines to reconsider current strategies and think about alternative solutions.All of the above was the guiding idea in the research by which the author sought to shed additional light on the phenomenon of such police actions.
------------ 9 In general, police tactics for crime hotspots can range from completely non-aggressive, such as efforts to establish and strengthen links with the local community (community policing), through increased patrolling and a generally longer presence of uniformed police officers in crime-prone areas, to aggressive, such as raids and arrests of perpetrators of widespread criminal activities (drug trafficking, prostitution, etc.) carried out by members of the intervention police units (SWAT raids).SWAT is an acronym for "Special Weapons and Tactics", while SWAT units are commonly referred to as well-trained special purpose police formations.

Material and method of work
The research on which this paper is based was conducted during the first half of 2017 and the second half of 2019, and the sample included a total of 738 respondents, divided into two groups.The first group consisted of 296 members of the Police Directorate of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia (crime investigation officers, police officers, traffic police officers, border police officers, etc.), and the second group of 442 citizens of the Republic of Serbia, structured in several categories (adults younger than 30 years, students of the University of Criminal Investigation and Police Studies [hereinafter UCIPS] and citizens older than 30 years).The subject matter of the analysis were raids in catering facilities.Judging by the frequent application of this measure, it could be concluded that it plays a significant role in combating crime, which the author defined as the basic hypothesis that he wanted to test by researching the mentioned phenomenon.The scientific goal of the study is to contribute to the scientific knowledge related to criminalistic and police activities, and the social goal is to improve the practical criminal and police activities in fighting crime.
The research was conducted using the snow ball technique, in the form of a structured survey, with multiple choice and open-ended questions.The direct implementation of the research was performed by 146 students of the third year of studies of the UCIPS in the academic years 2016/2017 and 2019/2020, by interviewing at least two police officers each, from the police administration to which their place of residence territorially belongs, as well as two citizens each (one from the lower and one from the higher age group).The students filled out a questionnaire of the appropriate category, so the examination obtained spatial coverage of the sample on the entire territory of the Republic of Serbia, without Kosovo and Metohija.The participation of students was voluntary.Their participation in the conducted research was awarded by 5 ECTS credits from the subject Criminalistic Methodology. 10uestionnaires for the first and second categories of respondents covered different aspects.The questionnaire for police officers contained, in addition to general data (regarding gender, age, education, police profile and seniority in the police), information regarding the experiences of police officers in conducting raids in catering facilities.Other issues pertained to the preparation, objectives, implementation, outcomes and analysis of the conducted raids, as well as the subjective feeling regarding the frequency and justification of the implementation of such a measure in catering facilities.
Questionnaires for the category of citizens, in addition to general questions (gender, age, education, occupation), included the subjective assessment of respondents regarding the conduct of police officers during the implementation of this action, as well as the subjective assessment of respondents on the frequency and justification of raids in catering facilities.
- -----------Descriptive statistical method and correlation method were used during the processing of questionnaires.Also, part of the research consisted of conducting a semi-structured interview with the heads of the crime investigation departments who were directly engaged in planning and conducting raids in catering facilities.They were asked a set of different questions as compared to the police sample, which mainly referred to the strategic and organizational view of the implementation of the police raids.Some of their observations are given in the discussion of the paper, in order to complete the image obtained by quantitative research.
Finally, it should be noted that the main weakness of the conducted research is that it is partly based on the self-assessment given by the police officers regarding the actions they carried out themselves.In the absence of previous research in this area in the domestic academic and professional community, the author sought to eliminate potential weaknesses by using sources from foreign literature, primarily related to the correlation between such police actions and crime trends in a particular area.

"Police" sample
Research showed that 268 out of a total of 296 (90.5%) surveyed police officers were men and 28 (9.5%) were women.The average age of the respondents was about 36 years (AS = 36.8;Mdn = 35, STD = 8.36).Most respondents were from the territory of the Belgrade Police Administration (7.8%), Čačak (6.1%), Šabac (5.7%), Leskovac (4.7%), Vranje (4.1%) and Niš 3.4%), while other police administrations were represented with less than 3%.In terms of education, the most numerous were respondents with completed high school (54.7%), university education (18.6%) and higher education (22.6%), and the rest accounted for 4.1%.The largest number of respondents, more than three fifths, are employed in the general police (61.8%), about a quarter (24%) in the crime investigation department, followed by respondents from the traffic police (8.4%), border police (3.4%) and others (2.4%).The average effective length of service of respondents in the Ministry of the Interior is about 15 years (AS = 14.6;STD = 8.1).
Judging by the given answers, the surveyed police officers had rich experience in conducting raids in catering facilities, considering that 61.1% answered that they had participated in this type of police activity 11 or more times.With the decrease of the value in the offered answer, the representation of the respondents also decreases (6-10 times 15.9%, 4-5 times 11.1%, 2-3 times 9.1% and once 2.7%).
As previously mentioned, further questions from the survey were divided into several segments -preparation, goals, implementation, outcome, analysis and personal impression of the participants regarding the implementation of the raids.Regarding the preparation, the participants answered three questions: 1) whether the official preparation was organized before the raid, in terms of getting acquainted with the objectives of the implementation, individual tasks, internal layout of the space where this measure will be implemented, etc., 2) whether they were informed which facility they were going to in order to carry out the raid, and 3) whether the participants in the raid were obliged to turn off or put away their mobile phones before going to perform the official task.
Only 1% of respondents stated that the preparation was not carried out, with 13.9% of respondents expressing their attitude that it was carried out sketchily, without detailed instructions.39.5% said that the preparation of the raid was carried out satisfactorily, and 44.9% said that it was carried out precisely, with the exact distribution of roles and tasks.The answer to this question was not given by 0.7% of respondents.As for getting acquainted with the place where the raid would be carried out, it was known to almost ¾ respondents (73.7%), with 25.7% of respondents with a negative answer and 0.7% of respondents who did not answer the question.More than a third of the respondents (34.5%) had to put away or turn off their mobile phones before going to the raid, about two thirds, more precisely 65.2% did not, and one respondent (0.3%) did not give an answer.
Regarding the realization of the raid in the catering facilities, the respondents first stated their opinion on the goals that should have been achieved.The largest number of respondents (64.5%) indicated that the goals of the raid were criminalistic (e.g.deprivation of liberty of specific persons, finding the things related to a crime, etc.), followed by general police goals (30.7%, e.g.prevention and detection of offenses against public order), and communal (4.1%), such as police assistance in controlling the operation of catering facilities by communal inspection services, etc.Only 0.7% of respondents said that the goals were combined, i.e. more than one of the mentioned goals at the same time.The above was followed by a question about the outcomes, i.e. finding items such as drugs, weapons, items originating from the commission of a criminal offense, etc., which could have served as a reason for later initiation of criminal proceedings.In 50.7% of cases such items were found, in 32.4% they were not, and in 16.9% of cases the finding of items was not the goal of the specific raid.
The next set of questions about the realization referred to the subjective assessment of the justification of the implementation of the raid and its effects.Respondents could choose one of the two offered answers, affirmative and negative, and then choose one or more statements related to the contribution within the chosen answer.The positive were that the raid contributed to a) maintaining or improving a favorable security situation (28%), b) maintaining public order and peace (13.9%), c) combating crime in a certain area (18.2%), d) restoring citizens' trust in the police (3.4%), d) more efficient work of local inspection services and other state bodies or public services (2.4%), f) something else (0.3%) or more than one of the offered answers at the same time (30.4%).
Summa summarum, a positive answer to the question of the justification of the raid was given by 96.3% of respondents.It is interesting to note that 3.7% of police officers gave a negative answer.Namely, they believe that the raids in the catering facility had no justification and that they represented a demonstration of force (0.7%), that they were directed personally towards the owner of the catering facili-ties (0.7%), and represented unnecessary harassment of the guests of the catering facility (1.4%), something else (0.7%) or a combination of several of the offered answers (0.3%).
Regarding the analysis of the raids undertaken in catering facilities, the respondents stated that in 15.5% of cases the analysis of the measure was conducted, in order to eliminate the observed shortcomings in the procedure and improve efficiency, at the level of management, while in another 46.3% of cases such an analysis included both the management of the police and police officers.In 37.5% of cases, the analysis was not performed, while 0.7% of respondents did not answer the question.
Regarding personal impression, two factors were considered, the frequency and justification of conducting raids in general, using the Likert scale.In both cases, police officers were able to choose a value from 1 to 5, where 1 is rare or unjustified, 3 is neutral, and 5 is very common or completely justified.In short, the police believe that raids in catering facilities are carried out with optimal frequency, i.e. neither rarely nor often (48.3% of respondents) and that they are very or completely justified (69.6%).The obtained data is best illustrated by the presented diagram.

Source: Author's research
Using the Spearman correlation method, it was found that there is a positive statistically significant relationship of low intensity between the age of the subjects and the assessment of the frequency of raids (ro = 0.149, n = 296, p <0.01), or years of service and frequency assessment (ro = 0.193, n = 294, p <0.001).Conversely, when considering the correlation between both the level of education and years of service in the police with the assessment of the justification of the conducted raids, such a connection does not exist.Source: Author's research

"Civilian" sample
The rest of respondents were divided into three categories: a) younger respondents (up to 30 years) -148 respondents (33.5%), b) older respondents (30 years and older) -148 respondents (33.5%) and c) students of the UCIPS -146 respondents (33%).The last mentioned category is closer in terms of characteristics to the police part of the sample, but it is still classified as the so-called "civilian" sample, primarily because UCIPS students represent a transitional category between the civilian and police categories and, in a formal sense, they do not yet belong to the police system.However, due to the mentioned circumstances, when presenting the data from the research, they are mostly represented as a separate entity.There were 279 (63.1%) men out of a total of 442 respondents in this category, and 163 (36.9%) women.The average age of the respondents was about 29 years (AS = 28.99;Mdn = 24, STD = 10.04).Similar to the "police" sample, the most represented were respondents from Belgrade (10.6%), followed by Šabac (5.2%), Leskovac (5%), Nis (4.1%), Ivanjica (3.4%) and Vranje (3.2%), while other cities had a representation of less than 3%.In terms of education, the most numerous were respondents with completed high school (72.1%), university education (6.1%) and higher education (12.7%), and the rest accounted for 9%.As expected, the design of the sample was reflected in both the education and the occupations, which predominantly included students (47.7%).They were followed by generic occupations such as worker (5.9%), trader (3.6%), economist (2.9%) and others, with a share of under 2%.Respondents from this part of the sample also had solid experience related to the presence of raids in catering facilities.One such event was attended by 27.1%, 2-3 times 35.3%, 4-5 times 14.3%, 6-10 times 5% and more than 11 times 3.4%.
The first in a series of questions referred to the behavior of police officers during the raid in catering facilities.The Likert scale was applied here as well, where the respondents could give one of the five offered answers ranging from "extremely inappropriate", through neutral, to "extremely appropriate". 11At first glance, it is obvious that there is no significant deviation in the given answers, i.e. that UCIPS students evaluate the actions of future colleagues without significant deviations in relation to other citizens.In general, it can be said that the impression of the actions of police officers have been evaluated positively, because more than 50% of the respondents rated it as "appropriate" and another 5% as "extremely appropriate", with 29% and 21% neutral, respectively, depending on the categories of respondents.------------The subjective feeling of the respondents during the raid in the catering facilities was determined according to the same principle, ranging from "extremely unpleasant" through neutral to "extremely pleasant".The results show that more than half of the respondents are indifferent in that sense (56.4% in the general sample and 65.71% among UCIPS students) with (expected) slightly increased discomfort in the civilian sample and a somewhat more pronounced feeling of comfort among UCIPS students.
Graph no. 3. -Subjective feeling of respondents during police raids, from the perspective of citizens and UCIPS students Source: Author's research The next question referred to the justification and effects that were achieved by conducting raids in catering facilities.As in the police" sample, respondents were able to choose one of the two offered answers, positive and negative, and then to choose one or more statements within the selected answer that referred to the achieved effects.There were no significant deviations in either subcategories, since the respondents in both cases found the conducted raids to be justified.As expected, a larger number of the UCIPS students found the raids to be justified, compared to the rest of the respondents.As the dominant effects of the conducted raids the respondents saw (UCIPS students -others): a) preservation or improvement of a favorable security situation (13.59% -12.45%), b) preservation of public order and peace (30.09% -26%), c) suppression of crime in a certain area (12.62% -18.68%), d) restoring citizens' trust in the police (0% -3.29%), d) more efficient work of communal inspection services and other state bodies or public services (0% -1.46%).In the graph below, the positive and negative answers are shown in parallel with the data obtained by the respondents from the police part of the sample.Finally, respondents from the civilian sample were offered to give a subjective assessment of the frequency and justification of raids in catering establishments in the cities where they live.As in the previous cases, the respondents were offered to choose a value from 1 to 5, where 1 is rare or the least justified, 3 is neutral, and 5 is very often or completely justified.The obtained values were compared with the values obtained from the police sample, where the similarity of the latter with the results obtained from UCIPS students is clearly visible, especially in terms of the justification of conducting raids.
Using the Spearman correlation method, it was found that in the UCIPS students sample there is no statistically significant relationship between age and attitude to the frequency and justification of the raid, while the rest of the civilian sample showed a low statistical correlation of positive direction between age and the justification of raids (ro = 0.154 , n = 296, p <0.008).There is also no statistically significant relationship when the relationship between education and the attitude towards the frequency and justification of conducting raids is observed in this category of respondents.In addition to the mentioned data, the author of the paper conducted semi-structured interviews with ten members of the police who participated in the planning and implementation of raids in catering facilities, and the observations from those conversations were entered in the section under the following section.

Discussion
There is no official statistics on the number of conducted raids in publicly available records of the Ministry of the Interior, but judging by the results of the research, it could be said that the raids, as an aggressive police strategy, are widely used in police practice in Serbia.More than 60% of the surveyed members of the police participated in such actions 11 or more times, and with the decrease in the value of the offered answer, the representation of the surveyed police officers significantly decreases.
Bearing in mind importance of such police actions and potential risks, the fact that 14.9% of respondents found that the preparation for the raids was not carried out at all or was carried out sketchily, without detailed instructions, is worrying.Another circumstance that attracts attention is that a quarter of respondents (25.7%) from the police sample did not know in advance the place where the raid would take place, and that more than a third of respondents (34.5%) had to put away or turn off mobile phones before carrying out a raid.In an interview with members of the police, it could be heard that such an approach is a consequence of distrust towards police officers due to the risk of "information leakage", which could lead to the failure of future action.Such circumstances of conducting police raids partly explain the previously mentioned impossibility of complete preparation, but raise other, extremely important questions related to the ethics of the police profession and the integrity of its members.
It is certain that citizens see this activity in the largest number as an activity that achieves a better state of public order (29.3% of respondents), while criminalistic targets are in the second place (26.2% of respondents).Police officers have a different view of things and believe that the goals achieved by raids in restaurants are primarily those related to criminalistics (64.5% of respondents), while a slightly smaller number see this activity as a phenomenon that contributes to better public order and peace (30.7%).The criminalistic nature should be confirmed by the fact that in 50.7% of raids in catering facilities items were found that led to the initiation of criminal proceedings, or persons who were the targets of the search.
The obtained data should, however, be viewed in the context of several circumstances.Namely, the fact that in 50% of raids some items were found (drugs, weapon or persons who were target of searches) implies that in the same number of cases such items or persons were not found, i.e. that the restriction of movement imposed on persons who did not cause any suspicion of illegal behavior and the police's assumptions about the illegal behavior of the guests of the catering facilities proved as completely unjustified.Also, from the interviews with police officers, it could be heard that items found in raids usually involve small amounts of narcotics, most often found on a few people, and even in the case of finding such items, the question could be asked is whether the same result would be obtained by random sampling of the same number of people on the street.If the answer were affirmative, and the previously mentioned probability of 50% goes in that direction, the thesis about the catering facility as a hotbed of crime would be wrong, so this intervention of the police would completely lose its justification and become legally and logically unsustainable.
The above mentioned thoughts lead us to the field of motivation for conducting raids in specific catering facilities, as well as to the analysis of implemented measures in order to plan future activities.Previous data of objects indicating criminal activity in 50% of raids should be further clarified by the fact obtained during the interview, that the police usually find such objects in the possession of only a few citizens (out of hundreds) found in catering facility, so, in fact, the real ratio of found incriminated items compared to the number of persons whose movement is restricted is at a much lower level than 50%.In fact, it is measured in per milles.Considering that raids are usually carried out in prime time evenings, during the weekends, when the attendance of such facilities is at its highest, the question arises as to what is the real goal of their carrying out and whether relatively modest results can justify a high level of restrictions on fundamental human rights of a large number of citizens.
The modest results of the raids in the catering facilities lead to reconsidering the real goals that the police management wants to achieve.Post festum analysis of the actions carried out by the police staff could give more reliable and clearer recommendations regarding the justification and directions for further action.However, the results of the survey among police officers show that in less than two-fifths of cases (37.5%) such analysis is missing, so it could be concluded that the decision to take such a measure in many cases is based on arbitrary or insufficiently clear criteria.
The answer could be found in a much more pragmatic context.Blattman and his associates state that state interventions of this type create the illusion of local control (Blattman, Green, Ortega and Tobón 2017, 37).Also, the interviewed police officers state that cafes or clubs that are favorite places of "fierce guys from the hot asphalt", i.e. those cafes or clubs where their presence is expected, are often chosen as the facilities where raids take place.At the time of the raid, such persons are examined in front of other visitors, which they perceive as a kind of humiliation while at the same time the police have been seen as a temporary winner in the eternal game of "cat and mouse".And it seems that this is the real effect of the raid -its symbolic effect on those who are present, those against whom the raid is directed and observers, which creates the illusion that the state is firmly in control and sends a message to keep an eye on the "bad guys".
When, in the context of the above mentioned, we talk about the goals that should be achieved by raids, i.e. raids and their impact on crime in a particular area, it is necessary to note that there are no papers published in Serbia correlating these two phenomena.In comparative practice, such research is frequent and mainly indicates the limited effects of aggressive police tactics.Cohen and his associates state that after the initial significant effects of raids in facilities where intensive drug sales take place, in a period of less than four months after the raid sales tend to return to pre-intervention conditions (Cohen, Gorr and Singh 2003, 289 -290).Braga and his associates point to a small decrease in citizens' calls related to crime in their areas during activity period and a statistically significant decrease in drug crime in intervention zones, which largely disappeared when interventions stopped ( In addition to short-term effects, one of the side effects of hotspot policing is the relocation of criminal hotspots.Authors of studies on the correlation of this type of police action and crime movement, such as Braga (2007, 19) or Blattman and  associates (2017, 35), notice regularities that are denoted by the term "spillovers".Namely, the criminal stage operates on the principle of connected vessels, and by intensified action on one hotspot, criminal activity is pushed to peripheral areas and other locations where such police activity does not exist.The mentioned phenomenon also calls into question the raid as a strategy of intensified police action.
When we talk about the subjective assessment of the frequency and justification of conducting raids in catering facilities, the results of the research showed that police officers (expectedly) see this activity as justified (96.3% of respondents), while UCIPS students (83.49%) are still closer to the civilian sample (80.22%).However, it is evident that in all three categories these shares are at an extremely high level, even in the civilian part of the sample, where more than ⅘ respondents were affirmative about the frequency and justification of the application of this measure.Here, however, we should keep in mind the significant limitation of the research, mentioned in the methodological framework, and that is the self-assessment of results by police officers, which necessarily carries a dose of subjectivity, and the results should be viewed through this prism.
Research has showed that the education of the respondents has no influence on the expressed attitude.On the other hand, the age of the respondents shows a statistical correlation with the obtained result, and with the age of the respondents the level of positive attitude towards the observed phenomenon increases.In principle, a positive attitude was present in previous research (e.g.Braga, Papachristos and Hureau 2014, 658), as well as more pronounced support of the elderly respondents (Zekavica and Kešetović 2015, 41).It could be said that the mentioned police strategies almost always enjoy the support of people who do not have a clear idea of the essence of the fight against crime, criminal procedure and all of its formalities.For citizens as eyewitnesses, the raid is probably the culmination of the fight against crime, material action with real effect, the triumph of good guys over bad ones and, guided by that idea, they consciously agree to restrict their own freedom, believing that it is just a small renunciation, which they give in order to achieve a noble goalsatisfaction of justice. 12Naturally, they fail to see that there is a long way from the raid to the possible court verdict, with numerous dead ends which, unfortunately, do not guarantee any impact on the suppression of crime.When we talk about the views of citizens regarding raids in catering facilities, it is necessary to mention that in the conducted research there was no evidence of citizen participation in deciding on the directions of police action with this tool.Braga precisely emphasizes this element, the need to know more about the effects of hot spot policing on the local community (Braga, Papachristos and Hureau 2014, 659).This is all the more so because in comparative police practices there have been cases in which increased police action is more than welcome in certain urban areas, but also those in which the same treatment has been criticized and followed by a number of complaints from citizens about abuse of power and excessive use of force (Braga 2007, 20).
Finally, another issue that has previously been mentioned deserves attentionthe issue of the costs of conducting raids in catering facilities.Namely, a significant issue in the management of any organization is the issue of costs and the relationship between costs and results achieved, or cost -benefit analysis.Considering this issue, Blattman and his associates state that there are real logistical costs related to the coordination and operation of police units (Blattman, Green, Ortega and Tobón 2017, 35).Regarding the analysis of raids in catering facilities from this research, it was previously mentioned that any analysis of raids was absent in 37.5% of cases, and it should be added that, according to information obtained from the interviewed police officers, cost analyses were not included in the analysis of the conducted raids in the remaining cases.This situation is not Serbian police exclusivity.Such analy-------------ses are similarly absent in the practice of police forces of other countries, even in studies on the relationship between hot spot policing and the crime tendencies. 13

Conclusion
Police raids are seen in contemporary literature in a variety of ways, from a useful tool for crime control in certain areas to "dramatic and traumatic police actions" (Hill 2016, 55).A logical question arises -which of the above mentioned is most true and whether and to what extent is it justified to apply them?In the previous lines an analysis of legal solutions that regulate this measure in Serbia is explained, analysis of relevant textbook literature in the field of criminalistic, as well as analysis of current police practice in Serbia related to the application of raids in catering facilities.All of the above is observed through the prism of comparative practice and relevant studies on this type of policing, within the strategies of enhanced policing, and their effects on the crime tendencies.
Previous analyses of the provisions of the Serbian CPC lead us to the conclusion that the legislator, when determining this extremely restrictive measure, which significantly encroaches on fundamental human rights, was primarily oriented towards the goals of criminal proceedings in concreto.In that light, and bearing in mind the constitutional provisions on freedom of movement, it should observe the norms of the CPC which speak of the possibility of restricting movement in a certain area.Namely, from the point of view of the current criminal law, it would be an unsustainable situation in which police acts against a larger number of people at the same time without taking into account a certain criminal act.The opposite practice would be a flagrant violation of the Constitution.Constitutional provisions on the restriction of movement in order to preserve public peace and order should be viewed primarily in the light of right of public gatherings.
The Serbian Law on Police, by promoting the possibility of restricting movement in order to achieve other goals, such as preventing the commission of criminal acts and even misdemeanors, significantly expands the possibility of conducting police raids.Although they are normatively allowed, the question of their legitimacy arises, and if we consider raids in catering facilities, as one of their most common forms, this question boils down to the question of measure, i.e. proportionality among potential danger, applied means and obtained result -whether to justifiably act against dozens of those present whose behavior does not give reason for police intervention and restrict one of their constitutional rights, due to the relatively low level of suspicion that the perpetrator of a crime or misdemeanor is among them?------------This largely comes into the domain of the so-called "accidental finding", which could hardly justify the type and intensity of violation of the mentioned constitutional right.
An analysis of the relevant textbook literature in the field of criminalistics intended for students of higher police schools and faculties of law shows that the raid is losing its importance in academic circles.From the detailed description of the institute, with the attempts to determine its nature and elaboration of strategic and operational issues by Vodinelić and Aleksić, the presentations about this measure were reduced to mere mention or were completely omitted.The fact that over the previous thirty or more years there have been no scientific or professional papers that deal with this topic speaks in favor of the stated claim.On the other hand, contrary to their fading academic existence, raids are very much alive in practice, which is an anomaly per se.
The analysis of police raids conducted in catering facilities in Serbia tells us that there are no clear criteria on the basis of which the facility is determined, that adequate preparation is often absent, and the analysis of what has been achieved even more often lacking, with some doubts about the ethics and professional integrity of police officers.Moreover, there is no evidence that such actions are part of a broader strategy aimed at reducing crime in a particular area, but ad hoc actions, with the impression that the police still perceive the issue of local community security as exclusively their own prerogative, implying the absence of any participation of local community in the planning of police activities of this kind.The research did not provide evidence of the existence of a cost-benefit analysis, and it was not possible to see the economic justification for such police action.
If things are as described, the logical question is -why do the police perform raids?It seems that the answer should be sought on a symbolic level -it is an activity in which the police demonstrate force, a welcome element of domestic and regional folklore, a public performance in which the impression is created that the police keep things under control and bad guys (criminals) for a moment lose the benefits of the presumption of innocence and are disgraced in front of the rest of the present.Citizens, as observers, themselves affected by its application, easily rationalize and justify their own suffering for a higher goal.Thus, everyone is satisfied, both police officers, who lead an honorable ad hoc fight against crime, and citizens, who are its witnesses.In the long run, criminals could also be satisfied, as this type of police action brings them a halo of martyrdom, necessary in their criminal biography to confirm their status in criminal circles, while uncertain court proceedings for minor crimes discovered by the raid can eventually bring acquittal and a final feeling of triumph.
So, where is the solution?If there was a real will to avoid 'reality-show' elements in police action, the answer is very simple.Namely, criminal activity is al-ways the work of an individual or a group of individuals who have united in the realization of a criminal goal, so the police activity should be directed towards the individual or the individuals who commit such acts.As Blattman and associates note, it is true that crime is concentrated in certain hotspots, but if crime is easily distributed spatially at the same time, then the approach to action in those places may be wrong -instead, a better solution would be to target people who commit crimes (Blattman, Green, Ortega and Tobón, 2017, 37). 14The aforementioned often does not require grandiose actions, SWAT teams, or the audience present, only good-quality evidence that will ensure a favorable outcome of the criminal proceedings.Of course, it is not easy to achieve -this procedure requires long-term commitment and dedicated work, but in the end it offers satisfaction and long-term visible effects.The creators of police strategies should, among other things, ask themselves whether they could have achieved a suitable, long-term and more favorable goal with a more modest means, which would, among other things, represent the realization of one of the principles of criminalistics -the principle of economy.
In the end, it seems that the question from the title could be answered -yes, the police raids have gradually disappeared from the zone of interest of criminalistic science, yet in practice they are still quite alive and often represent a demonstration of force of a questionable value.

Graph no. 2 .
-Evaluation of the behavior of police officers during the police raids, from the perspective of citizens and UCIPS studentsSource: Author's research

Table no .
1. -Correlation of age and years of service with the assessment of the frequency and justification of conducting raids in catering facilities from the perspective of police officers Graph no. 5. -Subjective assessment of the justification and frequency of raids in catering facilities, from the perspective of police officers (left), citizens (middle) and UCIPS students (right)